Unfortunately for DeGise, someone left the Janiszewski's playbook on the bench, and recently disclosures show DeGise has taken up some of his predecessor's bad political habits.
Janiszewski was known throughout the state for his ability to "redirect" campaign contributions so as to hide the trail of whom he might be supporting. In his heyday, Janiszewski would ask one of his supporters to give directly to someone else's campaign, even at times to the campaigns of candidates for opposite party. By this method, Janiszewski could also receive money from supporters who might otherwise be restricted by campaign contribution limits.
This seems to be what happened last October when Ocean County Democrats sent two checks to support Jerramiah Healy for Mayor, which just happened to match the amount that DeGise had sent to Ocean County. DeGise had already reached campaign limits for supporting Healy.
DeGise, of course, defended the move, saying it was part of a party-building effort state wide and perfectly legal under current law.
Democratic supporters of DeGise claim the "Wheeling Scandal" - wheeling is another name for misdirecting funds - is a plot by the Republican Party to make Democrats look bad in an election year. DeGise defenders claim news accounts do not look as closely as Republican activities which use the same tactics.
This may be true. But the "Wheeling Scandal" only seems to lend evidence to those who believe Hudson County breeds these kinds of deceptive practices, so that those who would be reformers like DeGise soon fall into the same old habits.
The quiet revolution
One lesson in recent history was brought out last week during a conversation about the recently ended civil war among Hudson County Democrats.
The warfare between Rep Bob Menendez and former Jersey City Mayor Glenn Cunningham came about over Janiszewski's bid to keep hold of chairmanship of the Hudson County Democratic Organization. Janiszewski had inherited the post after the death of former Freeholder Hank Gallo in 1997 and apparently intended to keep the position despite an effort by Menendez to take it away.
Menendez and Janiszewski had tangled over several key issues. Janiszewski had backed Robert Torricelli for governor over Menendez's choice of Jim McGreevey. Janiszewski had also supported Menendez's political enemy, then Union City Mayor Rudy Garcia. Menendez might have succeeded in ridding the HDCO of Janiszewski's leadership but for Cunningham, who threw his support behind Janiszewski in a move to keep the power base of the Democratic Party in Jersey City. After Janiszewski's resignation in September 2001, the Cunningham-Menendez feud continued. Cunningham's becoming state senator in early 2003 appeared to give him a victory in the battle, a victory undermined by his early death in May 2004.
Menendez appeared to win by default - except that another, less vocal coup against him conspired to keep Jersey City as the center of the party.
"That's what happened last November when Healy won as mayor of Jersey City," one source said this week. "DeGise [Councilman Bill] Gaughan, and others went around Menendez by putting up Healy."
This is not to say that Healy was smarter than Cunningham or even craftier, but his quiet style seemed to build a coalition that thwarted North Hudson's effort to control the Democratic Party.
"Menendez should have or could have stopped it," this source said. "But DeGise talked to the other mayors and he got them on his side. It was quiet revolution."
The Norcross power grab
As predicted, South Jersey Democratic political boss George E. Norcross III made his grab for state-level power last week. With Assembly Speaker and West New York Mayor Albio Sires stepping down and Assembly Majority Leader Joseph Roberts Jr. taking over, Norcross is guaranteed possession of the state purse strings. Roberts now controls the speaker's political action committee, and can give money to a variety of Assembly races.
But the move plays into the campaigns of Republican gubernatorial candidates Doug Forrester and Bret Schundler, both who have tried to portray U.S. Senator Jon Corzine - the Democratic candidate for governor - as a Norcross puppet.
"Corzine is going to have to convince Roberts to give up those purse strings," said one observer. "But this will be tough because that money gives Norcross power over many other Assembly people. It is a terrible move for the Democratic Party, and a lot of Assembly people are angry."
The move comes at a time when Norcross has been losing political support - partly because of things he has said on tape recorded by federal agents. While his statements did not imply illegal activity, the Norcross tapes showed a level of arrogance that won him few new friends and lost a few he already had.
"This is like a coup," one state-level source said. "Norcross is grabbing what he can get now, because he sees an end coming. The problem is, we could lose the gubernatorial election with something like this."
This will particularly favor Schundler, who won his election to mayor of Jersey City in the early 1990s with a campaign focused on the corruption in the Democratic Party in Hudson County, beating some of the toughest candidates Democrats could put against him.
"This is the kind of election that is tailor made for Bret Schundler," this source said.
"This allows him to campaign on two of his favorite themes, corruption and taxes."
The big fear, however, is if the Republicans manage to shave off votes in the Assembly and narrow the margin.
"Roberts does not work well with the Republican Party," one observer said. "He needs a solid Democratic majority. If we only have one or two votes more than the Republicans, we may have a problem."
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